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THE WAR OF 1914 

FROM AN AMERICAN 
POINT OF VIEW 

An Address delivered before the First Unitarian 
Society, Milton, Mass., Nov. 17, 1914 

By 

DESMOND FITZGERALD 

BROOKLINE, MASS. 

FELLOW AM. ACADEMY ARTS & SCIENCES 

PAST PRESIDENT, AM. SOCIETY 

CIVIL ENGINEERS, ETC. 



CAMBRIDGE 

IJrinteU at E%t EitoetBtUe press 

1914 



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THE WAR OF 1914 

FROM AN AMERICAN POINT OF VIEW 

PRELIMINARY 

We daily peruse with feverish interest the most 
recent news from the greatest war that has ever deci- 
mated the human race: one in which millions of men 
are engaged on each side, and beside which all previ- 
ous great struggles for supremacy seem like phantom 
shades. I have seen the smallest children, hardly large 
enough to be sent on errands, diligently spelling out the 
headlines as they hurried home with their little bur- 
den, almost oblivious of the passing traffic. I have also 
noted the impatient openings of the metropolitan sheets 
by elderly hands, too frail to hold them securely in 
their grasp. 

On one side we have arrayed Germany and Austria, 
and on the other, Russia, France, England, Belgium, 
Servia and Japan. 

Whatever we may think of the aims of Germany 
and of the reasons which have led her to unsheathe the 
sword, we cannot but admire the fixity of purpose, 
the sacrifices, and the intelligent powers which have 
enabled her to create an army of such organization, 
strength and spirit, that it to-day practically defies the 
rest of Europe. 



4 THE WAR OF 1914 

This wonderful spectacle may well challenge us to 
study carefully the fundamental ideas which lie at the 
bottom of German thought, as well as the positions of 
her enemies which have brought this great nation to 
her final stand for supremacy. 

On September 18, in an article in the " Boston 
Herald," I endeavored to show some of the causes of 
the present war. They were divided into two classes, 
as follows : — 

FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES 

1. Antiquated forms of government, Czars, Em- 
perors and Kings, with their powers, ambitions, huge 
armies and navies, and secret diplomacies. These 
must go and true democracy be substituted. 

2. Racial hatreds, natural and cultivated; lack of 
intelligent and universal education. These must be 
overcome by a higher order of patriotism. 

IMMEDIATE CAUSES 

1. Dangerous alliances and ententes. 

2. The Slav's hatred for Austria, resulting in as- 
sassination. 

3. The promise of Germany to support Austria in 
any action she might take, although it might lead to 
war with Russia. 

4. Russian sjinpathy for the Slav, and her gaze 
upon Constantinople. 



WHO CAUSED THE WAR? 5 

5. French revenge against Germany. 

6. England's interests; her mistrust of Germany 
and her support of Belgium and France. 

7. The dislike of "Great Powers" to show any 
signs of weakness, or of backing down on any matter, 
however trivial, and also their policy of allowing no 
other nation to get the start in military preparations 
when trouble is brewing. 

Then followed a narration of the facts on which 
this statement was founded. 

Since that article was written, a large number of 
books and pamphlets have been published by travelers 
and scholars which add materially to our knowledge 
of events connected with the war and make it possible 
to amplify this digest made in the middle of September. 

WHO CAUSED THE WAR? 

I have been asked several times: What nation is 
most responsible for the present war, and what were 
the causes? Not an easy question for solution, as may 
be imagined — but as it is a fair question, I have 
sought for a brief answer. 

Germany and Russia are chiefly responsible and the 
causes were that Germany was openly ambitious to 
become the greatest of the "World Powers," a posi- 
tion nominally held by England, and Russia was de- 
termined to fight for the Slav. Both of these great 



/ 



6 THE WAR OF 1914 

combatants stood ready for a war and neither liked 
to give way. 

The excuse for the declaration of war by Germany 
on Russia on August 1 was ostensibly founded on the 
expressed belief of Germany that Russia was mobiliz- 
ing on the German frontier as well as on the Austrian. 
From the full correspondence, however, it appears 
that Germany objected decidedly to the mobilization 
against her ally, Austria. 

Several telegrams passed between the Kaiser and the 
Czar from July 28 to August 1. On July 29, the Czar, 
ref errmg to the strong pressure for war in Russia, said 
that he "might be forced to adopt measures which will 
lead to war," ^ undoubtedly referring to mobilization. 

The answering telegram from the Kaiser contains 
the following: "Naturally, military measures by Rus- 
sia, which Austria-Hungary might take as threatening, 
would hasten a calamity that we both wish to avoid." ^ 

At 1 A.M. of July 30, just after his night session 
with his Counsellors, this telegram was sent by the 
Kaiser to the Czar: "My Ambassador has been in- 
structed to call your Government's attention to the 
dangers and serious consequences of mobilization; I 
said the same thing to you in my last telegram. Aus- 
tria-Hungary mobilized only against Servia, and at 
that she mobilized only a part of her army. If Russia, 
as appears from what you and your Government say, 
is mobilizing against Austria-Hungary, the position of 

1 Annex 21, German White Paper. * Annex 22. 



WHO CAUSED THE WAR? 7 

mediator, which you intrusted to me in a friendly 
manner, and which I accepted at your urgent request, 
is jeopardized if not rendered untenable. The whole 
weight of the decision now rests on your shoulders; 
they must bear the responsibility for war or peace." 
Here was a clear threat of war if mobilization against 
Austria was not stopped. 

At 1:20 P.M. July 30, the Czar replied: "The mili- 
tary measures now being taken were decided upon 
five days ago for defensive purposes against Austrian 
preparations"; and added that he hoped this would 
not influence the Kaiser to cease mediation.^ On July 
30, Sazonof stated that Russia had "absolute proof 
that Germany was making military and naval prep- 
arations against Russia more particularly in the di- 
rection of the Gulf of Finland." ^ 

On Friday, July 31, the Imperial German Chancellor 
sent a telegram ^ to the Imperial German Ambassador 
at Rome, containing the following words: "But all our 
efforts are made much more difficult, if not impossible 
of reahzation, by Russia's mobilization. In spite of 
calming assurances, Russia, according to all reports 
that reach us, is taking such far-reaching steps against 
us also, that the situation becomes constantly more 
threatening." 

On the same day, July 31, the German Chancellor 
sent the following telegram to the German Ambas- 
sador at St. Petersburg. "In spite of still pending 

1 Annex 23 A. * Russian White Paper, No. 97. » Annex 19. 



8 THE WAR OF 1914 

mediatory negotiations, and although we ourselves 
have up to the present moment taken no measures for 
mobihzation, Russia has mobiHzed her entire army 
and navy; in other words mobilized against us also. 
By these Russian measures we have been obliged, for 
the safeguarding of the Empire, to announce that 
danger of war threatens us, which does not yet mean 
mobilization. Mobilization, however, must follow 
unless Russia ceases within twelve hours all warlike 
measures against us and Austria-Hungary and gives 
us definite assurance thereof. Kindly communicate 
this at once to Mr. Sazonof and wire hour of its com- 
munication to him." ^ 

On this last Friday in July, which may be 
justly called a " black Friday," the English Am- 
bassador, Sir E. Goschen, had an interview with 
the Kaiser and telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey as 
follows: — 

"Chancellor informs me that his efforts to preach 
peace and moderation at Vienna have been seriously 
handicapped by the Russian mobilization against 
Austria. He has done everything possible to attain 
his object at Vienna, perhaps even rather more than 
was altogether palatable at the Ballplatz. He could 
not, however, leave his country defenseless while time 
was being utilized by other Powers; and if, as he learns 
is the case, military measures are now being taken by 

^ Annex 24. According to Germany's White Paper this telegram was 
delivered at midnight. 



WHO CAUSED THE WAR? 9 

Russia against Germany also, it would be impossible 
for him to remain quiet." ^ 

Then followed a hint as to what was coming, and 
again : — 

"His Excellency added that the news of the active 
preparations on the Russo-German frontier had reached 
him just when the Czar had appealed to the Emperor, 
in the name of their old friendship, to mediate at 
Vienna, and when the Emperor was actually conform- 
ing to that request." ^ 

A second telegram on this same day from Sir E. 
Goschen to Sir Edward Grey was as follows : — 

" Berlin, July 31, 1914. 

"According to information just received by German 
Government from their Ambassador at St. Petersburg, 
whole Russian Army and Fleet are being mobil- 
ized " ^ 

It appears from a telegram from St. Petersburg to 
Sir E. Grey ^ that this determination of Russia to 
mobilize the whole of her army and navy was "taken 
in consequence of report received from Russian Am- 
bassador in Vienna, to the effect that Austria is deter- 
mined not to yield to intervention of Powers; and that 
she is moving troops against Russia as well as against 
Servia." 

"Russia has also reason to beheve that Germany is 

> White Paper, No. 108. » White Paper, No. 112. 

» White Paper, No. 108. * White Paper, No. 113. 



10 THE WAR OF 1914 

making active military preparations, and she cannot 
afford to let her get a start." ^ 

On August 1, Germany sent a formal declaration of 
war to Russia, which was delivered at 7.10 p. m.,^ and 
early the next morning she began the war by invading 
Luxemburg, which Bethmann-HoUweg, the German 
Chancellor, declared "was only intended to insure 
against a possible attack of a French army. Full com- 
pensation will be paid to Luxemburg for any damage 
caused by using the railways which are leased to the 
Empire." The rapidity of these movements in the di- 
rection of a colossal war almost takes our breath away 
and may well lead us to the conclusion that it had been 
planned long before; in fact, since Bernhardi's writ- 
ings have become familiar and since his mission to this 
country in 1912 has been revealed and since the plans 
suggested by him have been adopted in this war, we 
are not lacking for evidence that "the hour" had been 
amply anticipated. 

If it is true, as stated in the preceding telegrams, 
that Germany had been making efforts for peace 
at Vienna, it is unfortunate that the oflScial docu- 
ments confirming those efforts have not been pub- 
lished. 

I have purposely avoided including Austria's re- 
sponsibility for the war in the above considerations, 
because it is so obvious that her severe course against 

» White Paper, No. 112. 

* Aonex 26 and No. 76, Orange Paper. 



AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 11 

Servia could only have been taken under the over- 
shadowing protection of Germany. 

As Austria lighted the match which started the con- 
flagration, let us first turn our attention in her direc- 
tion. 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 

Austria proper is a small country, but with Hungary 
and her Slavic Provinces she is much larger than Ger- 
many, although her population is only a little more 
than one-haK that of Germany. Time does not allow us 
even a rapid glance at the seething maelstrom of Aus- 
tria's poHtical and social status, but there are at least 
two events which we cannot ignore, because they are 
so closely related to the present struggle. By the 
treaty of Berlin, two of the Balkan states, Bosnia and 
Herzegovina, were placed under the administrative 
control of Austria, who calmly proceeded in 1908 to 
take them into her permanent embrace. Of course, 
Russia peremptorily rattled her sword; Germany 
pulled hers partially from the scabbard; then Russia 
subsided, as she was infirm after her contest with 
the Japanese; but she never forgot her lesson, as we 
shall see when we come to consider the awakening of 
the stout -limbed bear. 

For many years Austria has had difficulties from 
threatened revolutions within her borders and from 
conspiracies among the Slavic races of neighboring 
territory. Her aged Emperor, Francis Joseph, who 



12 THE WAR OF 1914 

has reigned for sixty-five years, has occupied an im- 
portant share of the attention of Europe, largely be- 
cause it has been conjectured that, at his death, there 
might be some casting of lots for his coat of many 
colors. It has also been anticipated that there will be 
a passing of those Austrian dreams in which that na- 
tion became the ruler of the Balkans and the mistress 
of an outlet on the iEgean Sea. 

Various plots and counter-plots were absorbing the 
attention of the diplomats of Europe, when a tragic 
event suddenly burst like a meteor from the sky and 
startled those trained observers who were wondering 
what the next important move would be in the des- 
tinies of Europe. 

On Sunday, the 28th of June, a conflagration began 
which bids fair to be the largest that has ever visited 
our planet, and yet in America there was at first not 
the faintest suspicion of the momentous event which 
was stirring heart-beats across the water. 

The Crown-Prince, Franz Ferdinand, heir to the 
throne and nephew of the aged Emperor, with his 
morganatic wife, the Duchess of Hohenburg, were 
visiting a little watering place near Sarajevo, the 
capital of Bosnia. They drove over to the city and 
were received by a bomb which failed of its mission; 
then followed banners, flowers and speeches. The 
Prince said he was glad of the reception, but asked: 
"How about the bomb.'^" That little event was ex- 
plained away. The Royal couple then insisted upon 



AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 13 

driving to the hospital to visit members of their suite 
who had been injured by the first attack — when a sec- 
ond and more determined effort was made with bomb 
and revolver, and nearly at the same instant their 
lives were forfeited to the dictates of Slavic assassins. 

With the results of this tragedy the world is now 
struggling, and yet, if it had never taken place, the 
same human passions would have been in time re- 
leased and the same war as that which now rages on 
the German borders would have come. The Sarajevo 
incident furnished the pretext for action long anti- 
cipated. 

What followed during the next three and a half weeks 
after this event we shall never know until the whole 
story is revealed, but it is quite certain that the chief 
actors measured well the important parts which they 
were to play. On July 23 that remarkable "Note" 
from Austria to Servia followed. With its terms we 
are familiar. That note meant war — Austria knew 
it; Servia knew it — and although she went as far as 
she could to meet the demands of Austria, she knew 
the "hour had struck." Austria and Servia began at 
once to polish their blades. Russia found some work 
necessary upon hers, while Germany's was already 
shining like a mirror. 

The oJ0Bcial declaration of war followed on July 28. 

Among the "White Papers," of England, containing 
her complete diplomatic correspondence, will be found 
a long "Note" from Prince Lichnowsky, the German 



14 THE WAR OF 1914 

Ambassador to England. This communication is dated 
July 24, the day following the date of the Austrian 
"Note"; it rehearses quite fully the- German view 
of the Servian trouble and states: "It has become 
clearly evident that it would not be consistent with 
the dignity or the self-preservation of the Austro-Hun- 
garian Monarchy still longer to remain inactive in 
face of this movement on the other side of the frontier, 
by which the security and the integrity of her terri- 
tories are constantly menaced. 

"Under these circumstances, the course of proce- 
dure and demands of the Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
ment can only be regarded as equitable and moderate." 

I call your attention to the above language because it 
shows, quite clearly, from high official source, how com- 
pletely Germany approved of the celebrated "Note,'* 
of which Sir Edward Grey stated that he had "never 
before seen one state address to another independent 
state a document of so formidable a character." 

Later in the Lichnowsky communication that Prince 
goes on to state "that in case of a refusal to comply 
with the Austrian demands there would remain no 
choice "but to obtain the fulfillment of their demands 
from the Servian Government by strong pressure and, 
if necessary, by using military measures, the choice 
of the means having to be left to them." 

Of course, no Ambassador, on his own initiative, in 
so important a matter as this, would have taken so 
strong a position. In other words, he must have been 



GERMANY 15 

instructed by his Government to make this declaration. 
But aside from this assumption, it fits in very well with 
other evidence of Germany's satisfaction with the note 
to Servia. 

GERMANY 

When Germany had given Austria a free hand to deal 
with Servia as she chose, "even though that might 
lead to war with Russia," she was not quite sure that 
*'her hour had struck" — although it was evident 
that, with Russia fairly recovered from her late illness, 
the rattling of the scabbard might not bear the same 
fruit that it did in 1908. On a fair survey around the 
horizon, however, the landscape possessed many at- 
tractive features, for so far as could be seen, the other 
nations were unprepared for war. The hours remain- 
ing in the last week of July were lurid with threatening 
consequences; much midnight oil was consumed, as 
the grim spectacle of the war monster grew from the 
dimness of the distance to the zenith overhead. Finally 
on that most eventful day, August 1, which will 
ever be memorable in history, Germany drew her 
mailed fist across the threatening visage of the Russian 
bear and the deed was accomplished. All Europe 
awoke to the cries of war. 

Let us now examine more carefully into the events 
which had absorbed the ambitions of the Teuton mind 
through the long years preceding the present culmina- 
tion. 



16 THE WAR OF 1914 

The Prussians who sank before Napoleon, only a 
little more than one hundred years ago, rose from the 
ashes of their defeat and resolved to re-create a na- 
tion. The true German spirit, passionately stirred, 
asserted itself and bent to the task of regeneration — 
and that it was an intelligent regeneration goes without 
saying. The national mind was turned first to educa- 
tion, then to physical and materialistic advancement. 

It is unnecessary to consider the steps which have 
led to a united Germany, through the mazes of study 
and conquest, and which carried Bismarck to the pin- 
nacle of his power. The rest of the world looked on, 
apparently oblivious of the mighty forces which were 
brewing. Year by year, and with unflagging industry, 
the teachers of a united Germany instilled into the 
plastic minds of the rising generations the picture of 
an enthusiastic and patriotic people, awakening to a 
proper sense of power, intellectual and physical, of 
patriotism which turned from no danger, and, above 
all, of a settled purpose, which nothing could divert, 
to surpass all other nations in military force as a means 
of conquest. 

To understand these influences we must turn to the 
writings of the leaders of modern thought; historians, 
philosophers and professors, remembering with Profes- 
sor Cramb that "There is no such stainless mirror of a 
nation's soul as German literature." Perhaps the most 
important, because the most often quoted, stand the 
works of Professor Heinrich von Treitschke, the bril- 



GERMANY 17 

liant historian; Friedrich Nietzsche, the philosopher; 
and General Friedrich Von Bernhardi, the learned cav- 
alry officer, whose prolijfic writings have so truly fore- 
shadowed the military strategies of the present war. 

Treitschke, like Nietzsche, was of Slavonic origin. 
He was born in 1834 and early imbibed the spirit of 
war from the heroes of Prussian history; a teacher at 
Leipzig, a Professor at Freiburg, Kiel and Heidelburg, 
he became an ardent exponent of the great destinies 
of his country. He lectured to crowded halls and his 
influence was far-reaching. He taught his countrymen 
the glories of the army and pictured in stirring terms 
the days of reckoning in store for the other nations 
when Germany should at length rise to a realization 
of her power. He was a firm believer and expounder 
of the religion of valor which he hammered deep into 
the minds of his readers. As the star of his own dreams 
rose with increasing brilliancy in the heavens, the 
lesser lights of other and decadent powers fell to the 
horizon and passed entirely from view. The passing 
literature of the war is full of extracts from Treitschke's 
teachings but I have only room here for two extracts, 
which, however, will give an idea of his views of life. 

"The great progress of civilized man, as opposed 
to barbarism and unreason, can only be realized by 
the sword." 

"The historian who lives in the world of will, is 
convinced that the dream of eternal peace is thor- 
oughly reactionary. He knows that with the cessa- 



18 THE WAR OF 1914 

tion of war, all progress will disappear from history. 
. . . The living God will take care that the terrible 
physic of war shall be administered to humanity 
again and again." ^ 

Now for a glance at Nietzsche, the philosopher "who 
clears away the accumulated rubbish of twelve hun- 
dred years; the unappalled, triumphant, great and 
free, the apostle of the new movement for the ag- 
grandizement of Germany; the discoverer of hypoc- 
risy, preacher of altruistic egoism, definer of love, 
analyzer of sacrifices, creator of paradoxes on the Ser- 
mon on the Mount." 

Nietzsche was no "penny-a-liner" picked up from 
the gutter. On the contrary, he was a great leader of 
thought. Here are some extracts from the better 
known of his writings : — 

"... We believe that severity, violence, slavery, 
danger in the street and in the heart, secrecy, stoicism, 
artifice and devilry of every kind — that everything 
that is bad, terrible, tyrannical, predatory and ser- 
pentine in man — serve as well for the elevation of 
humanity as their opposites." ^ 

"What is good? All that elevates the feeling of 
power, the will to power, the power itself in man. 

"What is bad? — Everythmg that proceeds from 
weakness. 

"What is pleasure? — The feeling that power in- 

1 Politik, vol. I, pp. 72-76. 

* Beyond Good and Evil. The free spirit. 



GERMANY 19 

creases, that resistance is being overcome; not con- 
tentedness, but more power; not peace, but war; not 
virtue but capacity. . . . 

"The weak and defective are to go to the wall . . . 
and we are still to help them thereto. 

"What is more injurious than any crime? Practical 
sympathy for all the defective and weak — Chris- 
tianity." ^ 

"Man shall be educated for war and woman for the 
recreation of the warrior. Everything else is folly. 

"You shall love peace as a means to new war and 
the short peace better than the long. 

" I do not advise you to work, but to fight." ^ 

Nietzsche, who was later insane and became an 
object of Christian charity, stamped on charity where 
it lay athwart the law of selection and he derided 
Christianity for its nourishment of the sickly, de- 
generate and misshapen. 

Bernhardi's book on "Germany and the Next War," 
published in 1911, outlines the opportunities of his 
country in the next war with almost prophetic accuracy. 
He pointed out the route through Belgium to Paris 
and if not the originator of the doctrine of disregard 
of neutrality treaties, was at least its ardent advocate. 
With almost impassioned words, he urges his country- 
men to accept the alternative of world domination 
or ruin.^ War is to him a glory, a biological neces- 

* The Antichrist. * Thus Spake Zarathusira. 

' " Weltmacht oder Niedergang." 



20 THE WAR OF 1914 

sity. The opening sentence of his book gives the key- 
note of its appeals: "The value of war for the poli- 
tical and moral development of mankind has been 
criticized by large sections of the modern civilized 
world in a way which threatens to weaken the defensive 
powers of states by mmerving the warlike spirit of the 
people.'* 

He adds: "It is om* duty to make war." For him 
Germany means strife; the isolation of Russia by 
bribes; the destruction of France; and then the over- 
throw of England. There is a candid freshness of 
vigor in the calm and almost barbarous way in which 
this old soldier disposes of his enemies. 

In his book on "How Germany Makes War" Bern- 
hardi states, "the physical and moral health of a na- 
tion depends on its martial spirit"; "A German suc- 
cess in the north would lead straight to Paris." "If we 
wish to gain the position in the world that is due to us, 
we must rely on our sword " (p. xiv) . "The probability 
of the Germans having to fight by sea and by land 
against greatly superior numbers is obviously near at 
hand. Their political development requires this com- 
bat as a biological necessity " (p. 159). "Paris is not 
only the undisputed and sole spiritual centre, but also 
the largest fortress and most important arsenal of the 
country. With Paris, France stands and falls." "I 
hope the German people will assert and maintain itself 
as the dominating race in Europe " (p. 262). 

It must not be thought that the foregoing extracts 



GERMANY 21 

are solitary examples among the writers of Germany, on 
the contrary, German literature is teeming with simi- 
lar instruction. That this instruction has at times been 
reflected by the public utterances of statesmen of the 
highest rank will be seen by the following extract from 
the speech of the Imperial Chancellor in the Reichstag 
on November 10, 1912: "For months past we have 
been living, and we are now living, in an atmosphere 
of passion such as we have perhaps never before ex- 
perienced in Germany. At the root of this feeling is the 
determination of Germany to make its strength and 
capability prevail in the world." Is it to be wondered 
at that under such influences the quiet, orderly, hos- 
pitable and judicial citizen of yesterday has gradually 
become transformed into a builder of a huge military 
despotism, which Professor Hicks well says, "has at its 
disposal a supply of armament so vast as to give con- 
fidence for defying the entire non-Teutonic world? It 
has fostered in Germany (according to her most en- 
lightened minds) a growth of the chauvinistic temper 
which has been for years poisoning and deadening the 
souls of the people. . . . Civilization everywhere is in 
danger, so long as that temper is allowed to spread and 
propagate itself." 

With several millions of uniforms stacked in her 
warehouses and the men ready for their use, and a 
powerful fleet developing; with Zeppelin in the air and 
Krupp on the land, it remains to be seen in the results 
of the present conflict whether Germany took the 



22 THE WAR OF 1914 

exact measure of her foes when she pubhcly declared 
herself in a position "to meet any contingencies." It 
is this difficulty of understanding the minds and re- 
sources of opponents which has cost many a people 
dear. On the other hand, we must remember that 
the Wilhelmstrasse has made most minute and com- 
prehensive studies of all the nations likely to be op- 
posed to her. But even with this advantage there is 
always the difficulty of gauging the success of a con- 
flict by the process of putting two and two together. 

The creation of an enormous army like that of Ger- 
many is essentially the perpetuation of the f eudalistic 
idea founded on the belief that the only route to suc- 
cess is to snatch property from one's neighbor by the 
exercise of a strong military arm. 

In the perfection of this weapon, we, as Americans, 
have no quarrel, although we may consider it unneces- 
sary, unwise and even dangerous. As a defensive 
measure, created to withstand attack, or for the just 
punishment of oppression and wrong, it might be 
tolerated by the rest of the world, but formed for the 
avowed purposes of world conquest, the forcible im- 
position of German culture on the rest of mankind 
and for the shedding of blood in the true Prussian 
spirit, it stands as a menace to the peace of society 
and the civilization of the world. In protest against 
the crushing of minor nations, the spirit of fair play, so 
strong in this country, has always raised its voice and 
we may even go fm'ther and breathe a solemn prayer 



RUSSIA 23 

that tLe God of our Fathers may interpose his will 
between a suffering humanity and the arbitrary aspira- 
tions of world-wide ambitions. 



RUSSIA 

Russia is to be seriously reckoned with by the na- 
tions of Europe, notwithstanding the fact that Japan 
recently conquered her by sea and land. This colossus 
of the north is so large and her natural resources are so 
great that defeat with her simply means a brief resting 
spell to recover her activities. Napoleon prophesied 
that in one hundred years Europe would be Republican 
or Cossack. He also said of the common soldier, "You 
have not only to kill the Russian — you must knock 
him over." The area of Russia is twenty times that of 
France and Germany united. It is 7680 miles east and 
west by 2732 miles north and south, containing 
8,660,000 square miles, or about one-sixth the land 
surface of the globe; her population is 175,000,000 
and is rapidly increasing, the birth-rate being much 
larger than that of any other nation. 

There is no doubt that the Russians were deeply 
affected by their defeat by the Japanese and in recent 
years have been diligently at work to re-create an 
army which would do them justice. No expense has 
been allowed to stand in the way. With her first and 
second reserves she is reported to have an army of 
5,400,000 men — but no dependence should be placed 



24 THE WAR OF 1914 

on these figures as available in the present conflict, 
on account of the necessity of retaining large numbers 
in various parts of that great Empire. 

The Russian soldier is generally illiterate, but is 
noted for his stolid obedience to orders. The following 
anecdote is related to illustrate this trait. 

An officer asked a recruit: "Now, what should you 
do in the event of disturbances breaking out in this 
town, if you were ordered out on duty?" 

"Shoot," was the answer. 

"Very good! But supposing your father and mother 
happened to be among the crowd?" 

"Shoot them all down." 

"Splendid! But tell me now, if you were in the 
open field — in camp, for example — and should come 
across a cow or a calf, what should you do?" 

"Shoot them down, your Highness," Ivan replied 
with great gusto. 

"Nonsense! You should take them by the horns 
and lead them to the Generalska (the wife of the 
General) . 

"But if by night you met His Excellency, the 
General himself, a long way from the camp in the dark, 
what would you do?" 

"Shoot him down." 

"Nonsense!" 

"Well, if I should not be allowed to shoot him down, 
then I ought to take him by the horns and lead him to 
the Generalska." 



RUSSIA 25 

One of the surprising facts that stares us in the face 
is Europe's enormous Slavic population. The Slavs 
of Russia, Poland, Austria, and Servia number 111,- 
000,000, the largest race in Europe; the next largest 
being the Latin race of Italy, Belgium, France, Spain, 
etc., 106,000,000; next comes the Teutonic or Germanic 
with 79,500,000; next the English, Scotch, Welsh and 
Irish with 46,000,000, and there remain 2,500,000 
Greeks. Total, 345,000,000. 

It appears but natural that Russia should take an 
interest in the welfare of the Slavic race, even in the 
Balkans. When, therefore, Austria, aided by Germany, 
took possession of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in 1908, 
the Russians were profoundly stirred. Had Russia 
then been in as favorable a condition as in June, 1914, 
the present war, in all probability, would have been 
started at that time. Russia in 1908 was prostrate 
from the effects of her war in the East, 6000 miles 
away from her base; but in 1914 she believed herself 
ready for a long struggle and she was determined to 
have a voice in the settlement of the Servian question. 
This may explain her feverish haste in mobilizing her 
troops on the Austrian borders as soon as Austria 
declared war against Servia. 

There is one fact, however, in connection with 
Russian diplomacy which will always remain to her 
credit and will show, I believe, that she honestly did 
a great deal to avert war. When England, through Sir 
Edward Grey was devising so many ingenious plans 



26 THE WAR OF 1914 

for peace, the Russian Government showed every 
disposition to accept them. On July 30, when Saz- 
onof, the Russian Premier, was appealed to for some 
suggestion in the way of a last hope for peace, he 
wrote the following formula: "If Austria, recognizing 
that her conflict with Servia has assumed character of 
question of European interest, declares herself ready 
to eliminate from her ultimatum points which violate 
principle of sovereignty of Servia, Russia engages to 
stop all military preparations." ^ 

Russia's army was not in as thoroughly a fine state 
of discipline and organization as was Germany's, but 
sufficiently so for her to assume an offensive attitude. 
Both Germany and Russia were waiting for the signal. 
Germany thought herself thoroughly informed of the 
political and military positions of all of her foes and 
of the thoughts uttered and unuttered which were 
vibrating in their minds. She was conscious that the 
Northern Bear had begun to stretch his mighty limbs. 
She knew that Russia would no longer submit to see 
Servia crushed by Austria and that for a long time 
efforts had been made to place her army in a position 
to play an important part in the great struggle for 
world supremacy. In brief, Russia too was waiting 
for her "hour," although that hour was somewhat 
different from that of Germany. Her dogs of war were 
almost as restive as those of Germany. With the latter 

1 White Paper, No. 97. See also Nos. 102, 120 and 139 for plain state- 
ments of the Russian willingness to arbitrate the Servian question. In No. 
139 Sazonof makes a comprehensive statement of the Russian attitude. 



ENGLAND 27 

it was a question of "the sooner, the better." If it had 
not been for the angry positions of these two combat- 
ants, it is probable that the affair of Sarajevo might 
have been settled in a criminal court, where it prop- 
erly belonged. 

Now Russia is fighting Germans and Austrians along 
the easterly boundaries of Germany and Austria, just 
as the Allies are fighting the same enemies along the 
westerly boundary of Germany and in France and 
Belgium. 

ENGLAND 

The bitterest hatred of Germany for any of her foes 
was reserved for England. For several years France 
has hardly been noticed, for she had almost ceased to 
expand and was content to hold and nurture what she 
possessed. England, however, was a continual thorn 
in Germany's side. She was looked upon with scorn 
by the military party as a decadent and wealthy na- 
tion of shop-keepers, incapable of heroic action and 
desiring only peace. Germany placed herself beside 
England and her bosom swelled with pride at the con- 
trast. Herself, she looked upon as superior both in 
strength and culture but bereft of colonies which 
should have been hers, while England was the owner 
of vast possessions in all quarters of the globe — 
secured by robbery and held by ties which might be 
easily severed. Her anger knew no bounds and it is 
recorded in many different forms. 



28 THE WAR OF 1914 

One of the best presentations of the German-Eng- 
lish question will be found in a small volume of col- 
lected lectures by Professor J. A. Cramb of Queen's 
College, London. The preface is written by Hon. 
Joseph H. Choate who refers to the intense hatred of 
Germany for England and her lofty ambition to estab- 
lish a world Empire upon the ruins of the British 
Empire. Professor Cramb died before the outbreak of 
the present war and his words are of especial signifi- 
cance, because they were written in the calm light 
of peace and after a German education and long resi- 
dence with the German people. 

Professor Cramb deplored deeply the general ignor- 
ance in England of the serious works of German 
scholars and he utters a note of earnest warning to pre- 
pare for the struggle which he knew Germany was 
planning for the overthrow of England. It was, as he 
writes: "An imperial contest between the German 
Empire of the future, that is to be won only by war, 
and this British Empire whose chief interest now and 
in all the future is peace throughout the world." He 
studied deeply the real forces at work at the founda- 
tion of German thought — "forces which lie far deeper 
than such momentary ebullitions of goodwill as were 
expressed a short time ago by Admiral Tirpitz." 

"For Treitschke it is not genius, it is not valour, it 
is not even great policy, as in the case of Venice, which 
has built up the British Empire; but the hazard of her 
geographical situation, the supineness of other nations. 



ENGLAND 29 

the measureless duplicity of her ministers and the 
natural and innate hypocrisy of the nation as a whole. 
Those have let this monstrous Empire grow — a colos- 
sus with feet of clay. Along with this he has the con- 
viction that such a power can be overthrown. And 
with what a stern joy and self-congratulation would 
not the nations acclaim the destruction of the island- 
state, old 'England,' old, indeed, and corrupt, rotten 
through and through." 

It is said by those who are thoroughly capable of 
judging, that the hatred of England has been bitter 
for many years in Germany and that it survives hatred 
of all other nations; so deep is this feeling that every 
effort has been made to build a navy sufficiently 
strong to meet England upon the sea. In the case of 
the present war, however, when it was realized at 
Berlin that there was danger of England's entrance 
into the struggle, due to the violation of the neutrality 
of Belgium, every effort was made by Germany to 
avoid giving England an excuse for fighting and she 
even went so far as to offer several alluring baits, if 
she would keep out. It seems probable that Germany 
had expected that, with the troubles in Ireland, which 
had advanced to the point of the arming of the men 
of Ulster, followed by the arming of the South of Ire- 
land, as a counter-move, together with troubles in 
other directions, England would be in no position to 
make war. 

Germany would perhaps have paused in the rattling 



30 THE WAR OF 1914 

of the scabbard, if she had known that she was going 
to meet England, Russia, France, Belgium and Ja- 
pan. It was indeed a wonderful opportunity for 
England to exercise her might with telling effect, 
Russia and France combined having enormous armies, 
while England's navy ruled the seas. Germany of 
course expected according to the public teachings 
of her strategists to strike a rapid and deadly blow at 
France and then devote her energies to Russia. The 
logic of events already explained brought Russia and 
Germany standing up to each other after the challenge 
had been given by Austria to Servia. 

To stop the wide impending conflict, England, 
through Sir Edward Grey, went as far as she could in 
the pursuit of peace for Europe. No stone was left 
unturned. Many ingenious plans were made for the 
acceptance of the other nations. As late as July 30 
Grey notified Berlin: "K the peace of Europe can be 
preserved and the present crisis safely passed, my own 
endeavour will be to promote some arrangement to 
which Germany could be a party, by which she could 
be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would 
be pursued against her or her allies by France, Russia 
and ourselves, jointly or separately." ^ 

Time for negotiations, however, was soon shortened 
to hours instead of days. England took somewhat 
longer to declare war than the other nations and, as it 
turned out, Belgium met the first shock of Germany's 

» White Paper, No. 101. 



FRANCE 31 

advance with so much pluck that the delay in the 
march upon Paris resulted in unforeseen disasters to 
the invader's arms. To an American, and at this dis- 
tance, it looks as if Germany really selected an in- 
opportune time for her great war. Possibly the advisers 
to the Kaiser were so intent on combat that they mis- 
calculated the intent and power of their foes. 

FRANCE 

There is little to be said for France, her position in 
this war being so well understood by everyone. She 
had nothing to conceal. The France of to-day appears 
to an American to be quite different from the France 
of 1870. The blast of trumpets has given place to a 
sober determination to perform every duty to the 
State and to meet every attack of the enemy with 
courage and honor. 

At the beginning of the war, the army was mobil- 
ized at a respectable distance from the frontier and 
the soldiers cautioned against any overt act which 
might be construed into an attack. That war was 
forced on France against her desires is proved by the 
statement of the German Secretary of State to Sir E. 
Goschen the British Ambassador at Berlin and which 
the latter communicated to Sir Edward Grey on July 
30, as follows: "Wlien they [the Germans] mobilized, 
they would have to mobilize on three sides. He [the 
Secretary of State] regretted this as he knew France 



82 THE WAR OF 1914 

did not desire war, but it would be a military neces- 
sity." ^ So, like Belgium, France was forced into a war 
on account of "military necessity." 

Fortunately for France, and, in fact, for the rest of 
the world, the gallant Belgians withstood the first 
onslaught of the Germans long enough for France to 
collect her troops into favorable positions; otherwise, 
the march to Paris would probably have fulfilled the 
expectations of the enemy. The halt in this first march 
also enabled the English to make their preparations 
for reinforcing the left wing of the French, forming 
with them an army which has since been known as 
that of the Allies. 

On the fair land of France has fallen the principal 
part of the fighting of the western line of the German 
attack. Her towns and cities have been almost as 
much devastated as those of Belgium; her crops have 
been trampled by the feet of the invaders and her 
homes laid waste by fire and sword; her fields are 
covered with the corpses of the slain and even her 
rivers have, at times, been colored with the blood of 
her sons; yet no murmur has reached the outside 
world, of discouragement or lamentation. When Paris 
was at last threatened, the Government was removed 
to Bordeaux almost as if it had been a matter of every- 
day occurrence and the wheels of the civil machinery 
continued their revolutions in the new position with- 
out any signs of weakness. 

I White Paper, No. 98. 



FRANCE 33 

With the great battles which have taken place in 
French territory we are all familiar. We watched with 
eager eyes that persistent and powerful attempt of the 
Germans to carry out their plan of marching to Paris 
after they had literally hewn their way through Bel- 
gium, and with bated breath we saw the Allied line 
retreating daily but struggling and fighting persis- 
tently hour by hour, until it seemed that human valor 
could stand the strain no longer; then, when victory 
seemed to be almost in the hands of the enemy, the 
tide of battle was pushed backward from the walls 
of Paris almost to the frontier. Never has the world 
seen such a series of hotly contested battles on so 
large a scale and stretching over such an immense 
distance ! 

The old Roman line of defense against the "German 
barbarians of the North" extended from the Rhine, 
over the Taunus Mountains to the Danube, but that 
long line bore only a faint resemblance to the present 
line in France from Belfort to Dunkirk with its mil- 
lions of fighters and its strongly fortified positions. 

The old Roman ditch with some of the masonry 
foundations is still in existence, and I have followed 
it on foot, over the Taunus Range. It is not improbable 
that two thousand years hence, some curious traveler 
may be able to trace the lines of battle on the French 
border by indelible marks which defy the tooth of 
time. 

It is difficult for us at this distance to form an ade- 



34 THE WAR OF 1914 

quate conception of the mental anguish which the 
French have already endured in a struggle which has 
perhaps but just begun. They are waging a war of 
defense and they have the earnest and heartfelt sym- 
pathy of the world. The old slogan of "On to Berlin" 
has given place to the battle cry: "Drive the invaders 
from the soil." 

BELGIUM 

This little state, whose 11,000 square miles of terri- 
tory and 7,400,000 inhabitants lay almost within a 
stone's throw of three of the Great Powers, has prob- 
ably excited more of the sympathy and admiration of 
the world than all of the other combatants. Her terri- 
tory was apparently safely protected against ruin by 
ample treaties of neutrality, — "pieces of paper," 
signed by the powers and which should have been 
held sacred by them. All honorable men stand by their 
agreements; Courts of Law are constituted by civi- 
lized nations to enforce them. Words, however, fail 
us to express our condemnation of a large and powerful 
nation, armed cap a pie, the proud and arrogant as- 
serter of such strength that she was "prepared for any 
contingency"; who calmly flung the "scrap of paper" 
to the winds and without the slightest compassion, 
when Belgium fulfilled her sacred duty by obstructing 
the invaders, tried her best to crush this independent 
state as an eggshell under her feet. 



BELGIUM 35 

Never before was an innocent and neutral country 
more thoroughly devastated by the monstrous and 
malign exercise of military oppression. It is not even 
necessary for us here to name that civilized country, 
leader of modern thought, foster father to art and 
science, champion of might, foe to barbarism, advo- 
cate of culture, candidate for world power, hater of 
colonial thefts, exposer of national wrongs, humble 
devotee of peace, and defender of the cross, who pub- 
licly in her halls of council, acknowledged the wrong 
she was about to commit, but promised reparation 
and condoned the offense on the ground of "military 
necessity." This great and splendid nation proceeded 
to kill the defenders of Belgian firesides, burn homes, 
villages, cities and churches and to lay waste the 
whole of that wonderful little land whose only fault 
was her heroic defense of her own country. 

To-day the remnants of the Belgian army are still 
carrying on the most strenuous efforts known in his- 
tory to repel her foe. While a drop of blood remains in 
their veins, they seem determined to maintain their 
heroic defense. Their bodies may be weakened by 
exposure and famine, their minds strained by long 
vigils and fearful slaughter, but the spark of patriotic 
ardor still burns with the same pure light of undimin- 
ished enthusiasm that was manifest before the smok- 
ing ruins of their homes polluted the air of their native 
land. 

Now Belgian refugees are scattered from England to 



36 THE WAR OF 1914 

New Orleans; a large part of the population has been 
killed by the sword or fatigue, famine and disease; 
hundreds of thousands of families have been driven 
from their homes and have sought asylum in neigh- 
boring countries. Many will never recover from the 
shocks and horrors of which they have been innocent 
and unwilling witnesses. 

For Albert, King of the Belgians, we have the heart- 
iest admiration; he is no theoretical or nominal war- 
rior; he loves his people and clings to them through 
every adversity; he shares with them every danger and 
fatigue and no sacrifice appears to weigh in the balance 
with the unremitting defense of his country and the 
welfare of his people. If every King or ruler were like 
Albert, we should be more lenient in our judgment of 
monarchies. It is one of the alleviating circumstances 
in this dreadful war that the hand of charity, full to 
overflowing, is reaching out from every land to the aid 
of the Belgians. 

While it may possibly be wise for Americans who 
hold official federal positions to close their eyes to the 
gross violations of Belgium's neutrality, it certainly 
can never be anything but proper for private citizens 
to express their minds freely in protest against this 
colossal wrong. ^ The full extent of this wrong can 
never be imagined until the official correspondence 
connected with this crime is carefully reviewed; the 

* Just as those who take the opposite view are given the liberty of the 
press. 



STATISTICS 37 

hasty, absurd and conflicting excuses marshalled by 
Belgium's mighty foe to account for the breach of 
neutrality then become evident. If to these facts are 
united the many horrible punishments and humiliating 
penalties meted out to the brave defenders of their 
nation, our minds cannot fail to respond to the im- 
pulses of brotherly sympathy. History will undoubt- 
edly expose in their true light these stains on the mili- 
tary and diplomatic parties of Germany. 

STATISTICS 

Statistics, as a rule, are not interesting and I shall 
touch them here briefly. Every one, however, wishes 
to form some kind of an idea of the number of men 
actually engaged in the war. There is no way of mak- 
ing an accurate estimate but from a summation of 
many statements it appears that there cannot be much 
less than ten millions. 

On the westerly line of battle these are perhaps 
distributed as follows : — 

Germans and Austrians 1,800,000 

French, EngUsh and Belgians 2,200,000 

Total 4,000,000 

On the easterly, or Russian frontier: — 

Russians 2,300,000 

Germans and Austrians 2,200,000 

Total 4,500,000 



38 THE WAR OF 1914 

In or about Servia: — 

Austrians 400,000 

Servians 200,000 

Total 600,000 

Here are 9,100,000 men and if we add those en- 
gaged in the different navies, together with those fight- 
ing in the East we have practically ten millions. 

The above estimate does not include the large 
number of men under commission or pay who are 
employed in supporting the active armies at the front. 

CONCLUSION 

No review of the war, however brief, can fail to deal 
largely with the part that Germany has taken in the 
struggle for victory — in fact, this may almost be 
called the German War, although nearly the whole of 
Europe and a part of Asia are concerned in its active 
progress. As to the causes that led to the outbreak of 
hostilities, there is much discussion and we know that 
they are varied and complicated, but there is one fact 
which seems quite evident even in a cursory study and 
that is that Germany, from her central position and the 
vast strength of her army, might have easily stopped 
the conflagration in its initiatory steps by raising a 
finger. 

If the protestations of her diplomats had been sin- 
cere, that they desired above all things the peace of 



CONCLUSION 39 

the world, they might have arranged the difficulties 
between Austria and Servia without recourse to the 
sword. 

As Americans we have but little patience with the 
subtle dangers of secret intrigues. That great nations 
should be perfecting every detail of military prepara- 
tion for a struggle and at the same time filling the record 
with desires for peace, is past our comprehension. 

Neither can we understand how highly honored 
names in commerce, arts, letters and diplomacy can 
be affixed to a public statement for circulation in the 
United States which contains so many and obvious 
departures from the truth as that pamphlet entitled: 
' ' The Truth about Germany," " Facts about the War, '* 
issued under authority of a Committee of Representa- 
tive German citizens. The pamphlet to which I allude 
contains among others of a large Honorary Committee 
the names of Albert Ballin, Prince Von Billow, and 
Dr. R. W. Drechsler, and among the Board of Editors, 
Prof. Francke, Paul Dehn, Count von Oppersdorff and 
other leaders of thought and deeds. The writers could 
have had but a poor idea of the common sense or ability 
of Americans if they supposed that the statements in 
this remarkable series of arguments could have been 
taken seriously in the United States. Listen to a few 
extracts : — 

The Czar is made to appear as the "instigator of the 
unspeakable horrors that are now inundating Europe. " 
"He bears before God and posterity the responsibility 



40 THE WAR OF 1914 

of having allowed himself to be terrorized by an un- 
scrupulous military clique." ^ 

"Germany never before endeavored more eagerly to 
preserve peace than during the last few years." 

"The preservation of peace was his [the Kaiser's] 
principal aim. He was actuated in this by the general 
consideration of humanity, justice and culture." 

"The Vienna Government . . . addressed to the 
Servian Government a number of demands which 
aimed at nothing but the suppression of the anti- 
Austrian propaganda." 

"Servia was on the point of accepting the demand, 
when there arrived a dispatch from St. Petersburg and 
Servia mobilized. Then Austria, too, had to act. Thus 
arose the Austro-Servian war." 

"At the same time the German Government learned 
that the French were about to enter Belgium. Then 
our Government, with great reluctance, had to decide 
upon requesting the Belgian Government to allow 
our troops to march through its territory. Belgium 
was to be indemnified after the war, was to retain its 
sovereignty and integrity. Belgium protested, at the 
same time allowing, by an agreement with France, 
that the French troops might enter Belgium. After all 
this, and not until after France and Belgium itself 
had broken the neutrality, our troops entered the 
neutral territory. Germany wanted nothing from 

^ It is a curious fact that all the nations seem anxious to repudiate re- 
sponsibility for starting this cruel war. Not one is proud of it. 



CONCLUSION 41 

Belgium, but had to prevent that Belgian soil be used 
as a gate of entrance into German territory." 

"To-day we are facing hard facts. Germany has to 
fight for her existence. She will fight knowing that the 
great powers beyond the ocean will do her justice as 
soon as they know the truth." 

"On the evening of August 3d the Imperial Chancel- 
lor called the leaders of all parties, including the Social- 
ists, to his house and explained to them in a concise 
and impressive statement how furiously Germany had 
been driven to war." 

"A thing that raised the national enthusiasm still 
higher was the appearance of the troops in brand-new 
uniforms, complete from head to foot. The first sight 
of these new uniforms, of modest field gray, faultlessly 
made, brought everywhere the question: Where did 
they come from?" etc., etc. 

Such statements as these and hundreds of others of 
similar import are not worthy of notice. They will fail 
of their errands of "Truth" because to Americans they 
do not have the ring of the true metal. 

One of the most remarkable features of the great 
European war of to-day lies in the attitude of Great 
Britain's colonies. Her great foe expected to see them 
weaken and fall away under the strain of war, but 
Canada has answered by sending across the broad 
Atlantic one of the most remarkable flotillas of tran- 
sports crowded with troops that the world has ever 
seen. Thousands of men, with their accoutrements of 



42 THE WAR OF 1914 

war, guarded by a fleet of battleships on all sides, 
sailed proudly over that great distance with as much 
security as if on parade or chartered for some mission 
of peace. Yet this great spectacle which would have 
proved so interesting, if we could have known the 
details, passed without a ripple of excitement. In fact, 
so far as the newspapers were concerned, no one knew 
anything about the matter. 

This is practically true of other events connected 
with the greatest of all wars. So perfect is the cen- 
sorship in every direction that we learn of important 
battles only after they have taken place and then only 
by most meagre accounts. There is occasionally a list 
of dead and wounded, but all the strategy, all the pic- 
tures of the vivid movements of attack and repulse, 
the call of the bugle for one more charge, the hand- 
to-hand encounter under the deafening thunder of 
bursting shells, is left for future historians to re- 
count. 

There is one other event connected with the en- 
trance of the troops from India upon the firing line to 
which I should like to allude before closing this brief 
survey. 

India under English rule has always been a favorite 
theme for the praise of friends and the criticism of 
enemies. The very word, India, takes our thoughts at 
once out of their accustomed grooves and transports 
them into a dreamland of Rajas, rubies, marble 
palaces, gorgeous costumes spangled with gold and 



CONCLUSION 43 

silver, and all other strange scenes connected with that 
Far Eastern civilization. 

It was from India that the Germans prophesied 
another Sepoy rebellion with all its horrors and difl5- 
culties for England. The natives were thought to be 
waiting only for the hour of trial to arrive to rise 
against the hated rule. But how different the actual 
spectacle that confronts us! 

Instead of rebellion, the war has acted only to weld 
stronger the ties that bind that great colony to the 
Mother Country and realms vie with each other in 
tokens of loyalty. 

From the famine-stricken plain, glistening like a 
mirror beneath the sun, to the eternal snows of that 
mighty boundary of untrodden summits, the battle 
cry has echoed, and treasures of jewels and of men 
have been freely offered to swell the ranks of the de- 
fenders in the battle for freedom: freedom for the 
soul as well as for the body; freedom for the small 
nation as well as for the great; and most decidedly, 
freedom from the slavery of world domination by any 
one race or any one culture. 

This is what the typical American stands for; he 
cannot see through any other glasses; and no amount 
of propaganda can persuade him that the allied na- 
tions are not now fighting a great world-battle for 
the maintenance of these principles. 



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